Almost 250 years ago, we find that the problems of the country haven't changed much.
Thomas Jefferson on Wealth Inequality
To James Madison
Fontainebleau, Oct. 28, 1785
DEAR SIR, -- Seven o'clock, and retired to my fireside, I have determined to enter into conversation with you. This is a village of about 15,000 inhabitants when the court is not here, and 20,000 when they are, occupying a valley through which runs a brook and on each side of it a ridge of small mountains, most of which are naked rock. The King comes here, in the fall always, to hunt. His court attend him, as do also the foreign diplomatic corps; but as this is not indispensably required and my finances do not admit the expense of a continued residence here, I propose to come occasionally to attend the King's levees, returning again to Paris, distant forty miles. This being the first trip, I set out yesterday morning to take a view of the place. For this purpose I shaped my course towards the highest of the mountains in sight, to the top of which was about a league.
As soon as I had got clear of the town I fell in with a poor woman walking at the same rate with myself and going the same course. Wishing to know the condition of the laboring poor I entered into conversation with her, which I began by enquiries for the path which would lead me into the mountain: and thence proceeded to enquiries into her vocation, condition and circumstances. She told me she was a day laborer at 8 sous or 4d. sterling the day: that she had two children to maintain, and to pay a rent of 30 livres for her house (which would consume the hire of 75 days), that often she could no employment and of course was without bread. As we had walked together near a mile and she had so far served me as a guide, I gave her, on parting, 24 sous. She burst into tears of a gratitude which could perceive was unfeigned because she was unable to utter a word. She had probably never before received so great an aid. This little attendrissement, with the solitude of my walk, led me into a train of reflections on that unequal division of property which occasions the numberless instances of wretchedness which I had observed in this country and is to be observed all over Europe.
The property of this country is absolutely concentrated in a very few hands, having revenues of from half a million of guineas a year downwards. These employ the flower of the country as servants, some of them having as many as 200 domestics, not laboring. They employ also a great number of manufacturers and tradesmen, and lastly the class of laboring husbandmen. But after all there comes the most numerous of all classes, that is, the poor who cannot find work. I asked myself what could be the reason so many should be permitted to beg who are willing to work, in a country where there is a very considerable proportion of uncultivated lands? These lands are undisturbed only for the sake of game. It should seem then that it must be because of the enormous wealth of the proprietors which places them above attention to the increase of their revenues by permitting these lands to be labored.
I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable, but the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers and sisters, or other relations in equal degree, is a politic measure and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, and to tax the higher portions or property in geometrical progression as they rise.
Whenever there are in any country uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labor and live on. If for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be provided to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not, the fundamental right to labor the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who cannot find employment, but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.
The next object which struck my attention in my walk was the deer with which the wood abounded. They were of the kind called "Cerfs," and not exactly of the same species with ours. They are blackish indeed under the belly, and not white as ours, and they are more of the chestnut red; but these are such small differences as would be sure to happen in two races from the same stock breeding separately a number of ages. Their hares are totally different from the animals we call by that name; but their rabbit is almost exactly like him. The only difference is in their manners; the land on which I walked for some time being absolutely reduced to a honeycomb by their burrowing. I think there is no instance of ours burrowing. After descending the hill again I saw a man cutting fern. I went to him under pretence of asking the shortest road to town, and afterwards asked for what use he was cutting fern. He told me that this part of the country furnished a great deal of fruit to Paris. That when packed in straw it acquired an ill taste, but that dry fern preserved it perfectly without communicating any taste at all.
I treasured this observation for the preservation of my apples on my return to my own country. They have no apples here to compare with our Redtown pippin. They have nothing which deserves the name of a peach; there being not sun enough to ripen the plum-peach and the best of their soft peaches being like our autumn peaches. Their cherries and strawberries are fair, but think lack flavor. Their plums I think are better; so also their gooseberries, and the pears infinitely beyond anything we possess. They have nothing better than our sweet-water; but they have a succession of as good from early in the summer till frost. I am to-morrow to get [to] M. Malsherbes (an uncle of the Chevalier Luzerne's) about seven leagues from hence, who is the most curious man in France as to his trees. He is making for me a collection of the vines from which the Burgundy, Champagne, Bordeaux, Frontignac, and other of the most valuable wines of this country are made. Another gentleman is collecting for me the best eating grapes, including what we call the raisin. propose also to endeavor to colonize their hare, rabbit, red and grey partridge, pheasants of different kinds, and some other birds. But I find that I am wandering beyond the limits of my walk and will therefore bid you adieu.
Yours affectionately.
Thos. Jefferson
In a letter to his old friend and political enemy, John Adams, Jefferson wrote about the "Natural And Artificial Aristocracy:
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John Adams
Oct. 28, 1813 DEAR SIR:
According to the reservation between us, of taking up one of
the subjects of our correspondence at a time, I turn to your letters of Aug.
16th and Sep. 2nd.
The passage you quote from Theognis, I think has an Ethical,
rather than a political object. The whole piece is a moral "exhortation",
{parainesis}, and this passage particularly seems to be a reproof to man,
who, while with his domestic animals he is curious to improve the race by
employing always the finest male, pays no attention to the improvement of his
own race, but intermarries with the vicious, the ugly, or the old, for
considerations of wealth or ambition. It is in conformity with the principle
adopted afterwards by the Pythagoreans, and expressed by Ocellus in another
form. {Peri de tes ek ton allelon anthropon geneseos} etc. — {oych
edones eneka e} {mixis}. Which, as literally as intelligibility will
admit, may be thus translated:
But Nature, not trusting to this moral and abstract motive,
seems to have provided more securely for the perpetuation of the species by
making it the effect of the oestrum implanted in the constitution of both
sexes. And not only has the commerce of love been indulged on this unhallowed
impulse, but made subservient also to wealth and ambition by marriages without
regard to the beauty, the healthiness, the understanding, or virtue of the
subject from which we are to breed. The selecting the best male for a Harem of
well chosen females also, which Theognis seems to recommend from the example of
our sheep and asses, would doubtless improve the human, as it does the brute
animal, and produce a race of veritable {aristoi} ["aristocrats"]. For
experience proves that the moral and physical qualities of man, whether good or
evil, are transmissible in a certain degree from father to son. But I suspect
that the equal rights of men will rise up against this privileged Solomon, and
oblige us to continue acquiescence under the {'Amayrosis geneos aston}
["the degeneration of the race of men"] which Theognis complains of, and to
content ourselves with the accidental aristoi produced by the fortuitous
concourse of breeders.
For I agree with you that there is a
natural aristocracy among men. The grounds of this are virtue and talents.
Formerly bodily powers gave place among the aristoi. But since the
invention of gunpowder has armed the weak as well as the strong with missile
death, bodily strength, like beauty, good humor, politeness and other
accomplishments, has become but an auxiliary ground of distinction. There is
also an artificial aristocracy founded on wealth and birth, without either
virtue or talents; for with these it would belong to the first class. The
natural aristocracy I consider as the most precious gift of nature for the
instruction, the trusts, and government of society. And indeed it would have
been inconsistent in creation to have formed man for the social state, and not
to have provided virtue and wisdom enough to manage the concerns of the society.
May we not even say that that form of government is the best which provides the
most effectually for a pure selection of these natural aristoi into the
offices of government? The artificial aristocracy is a mischievous ingredient in
government, and provision should be made to prevent it's ascendancy.
On the question, What is the best provision, you and I differ;
but we differ as rational friends, using the free exercise of our own reason,
and mutually indulging it's errors. You think it best to put the Pseudo-aristoi
into a separate chamber of legislation where they may be hindered from doing
mischief by their coordinate branches, and where also they may be a protection
to wealth against the Agrarian and plundering enterprises of
the Majority of the people. I think that to give them power in order to
prevent them from doing mischief, is arming them for it, and increasing instead
of remedying the evil. For if the coordinate branches can arrest their action,
so may they that of the coordinates. Mischief may be done negatively as well as
positively.
Of this a cabal in the Senate of the U.S. has furnished many
proofs.
Nor do I believe them necessary to protect the wealthy; because
enough of these will find their way into every branch of the legislation to
protect themselves. From 15 to 20 legislatures of our own, in action for 30
years past, have proved that no fears of an equalisation of property are to be
apprehended from them.
I think the best remedy is exactly that provided by all our
constitutions, to leave to the citizens the free election and separation of the
aristoi from the pseudo-aristoi, of the wheat from the chaff. In general
they will elect the real good and wise. In some instances, wealth may corrupt,
and birth blind them; but not in sufficient degree to endanger the society...
I have thus stated my opinion on a point on which we differ,
not with a view to controversy, for we are both too old to change opinions which
are the result of a long life of inquiry and reflection; but on the suggestion
of a former letter of yours, that we ought not to die before we have explained
ourselves to each other.
We acted in perfect harmony through a long and perilous contest
for our liberty and independence. A constitution has been
acquired which, though neither of us think perfect, yet both consider as
competent to render our fellow-citizens the happiest and the securest on whom
the sun has ever shone. If we do not think exactly alike as to it's
imperfections, it matters little to our country which, after devoting to it long
lives of disinterested labor, we have delivered over to our successors in life,
who will be able to take care of it, and of themselves.
Of the pamphlet on aristocracy which has been sent to you, or
who may be it's author, I have heard nothing but through your letter. If the
person you suspect it may be known from the quaint, mystical and hyperbolical
ideas, involved in affected, new-fangled and pedantic terms, which stamp his
writings. Whatever it be, I hope your quiet is not to be affected at this day by
the rudeness of intemperance of scribblers; but that you may continue in
tranquility to live and to rejoice in the prosperity of our country until it
shall be your own wish to take your seat among the Aristoi who have gone
before you.
Ever and affectionately yours,
Thomas Jefferson ...
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Orson Welles
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